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Transfer Pricing: Wage suppression by another name?

Séverine Picard and Edris Nikjooy

The UN tax negotiations are a once-in-a-generation opportunity to reform global tax rules that enable multinational profit shifting.

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Current global tax rules let multinationals book profits away from where value is created, with real consequences for workers, public revenues and economic power; the UN tax negotiations are a once-in-a-generation chance to change that.

Governments are negotiating a new United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation as pressure mounts on the global tax system. For decades, the most important rules on taxing multinational enterprises (MNEs) have been shaped through OECD-led processes. The UN process opens a more inclusive space to ask a basic question: how should multinational profits be taxed when value is created across borders?

One of the key issues in the August negotiating round is how to divide taxing rights more fairly between countries – the subject of Article 5 in the draft convention. In simple terms, Article 5 asks which countries get to tax MNE profits. In practice, it asks something more pointed: do tax rules recognize the workers, markets, public infrastructure and natural resources that make those profits possible in the first place?

This debate matters for workers because tax rules decide where profit appears on the books. When profit is recorded away from where value is created, capital captures it – and workers and governments are left with weaker bargaining power. The August round won’t deliver full structural reform, but it can still lay the groundwork for it.

Current rules make capital easier to recognize than labor

Transfer pricing, governed by the OECD/ G20 BEPS framework and related OECD standards, is the main mechanism MNEs use to separate where value is created from where profit is recorded. 

OECD standards treat each subsidiary of an MNE as a separate, autonomous firm, trading with its “sibling” companies at prices meant to mirror normal market conditions – the so-called arm’s length principle. In practice, national tax authorities rarely have the resources to scrutinize every intra-group transaction, and MNEs know it. Companies exploit this gap to charge excessive costs to operating subsidiaries. This reduces profit recorded where the economic activity actually happens and shifts it to lower-tax jurisdictions. 

The current system gives capital far stronger tools than labor to claim value. Intellectual property, financial risk, corporate ownership and strategic control can be parked in subsidiaries to justify recording profits there – even when a subsidiary employs almost no one. Workers create value through production, services, and sales, but have no say in where an MNE group books it.

Transfer pricing becomes a labor and public-policy issue when recorded profits are shifted to a different country from where the workers did the work. Lower recorded profit weakens wage bargaining, reduces profit-sharing and bolsters claims that more staff or better conditions are too expensive. It also drains public revenues for services, infrastructure and public employment.

The employment effects of profit shifting reach beyond individual workplaces. Research shows: MNEs that establish operations in tax havens reduce employment by 8.6% in their second year – clear evidence that international tax rules affect jobs, not just tax bills.

The following cases were discussed at a FES-hosted labor and tax roundtable with Member State negotiators in New York earlier this year. They show how transfer pricing shifts value away from workers, in practice.

 

How transfer pricing shifts value away from workers

Internal debt: extracting cash before tax and reinvestment

Internal debt moves value through interest payments. A subsidiary borrows from another company in the same group – often in a financial hub or lower-tax jurisdiction – then the local entity pays interest on the loan, reducing taxable profit and moving cash elsewhere in the group.

This structure can make a profitable company look financially constrained. The local operation may generate strong revenues, even as cash leaves through interest payments, debt repayments or related financial charges. Workers then face arguments about debt burdens and limited cash – instead of seeing profits reinvested in jobs, maintenance, or better conditions.

Source: CICTAR

Isagen is a Colombian energy company purchased in 2016 by Brookfield, a Canadian investment fund. During Colombia’s energy crisis between 2021 and 2023, Isagen’s earnings reportedly increased by 198%, while it paid more than COP 3.4 billion in dividends, mostly to Brookfield.

The case raises a simple question: how can a company generate large earnings while appearing financially constrained? Between 2017 and 2023, 37% of Isagen’s debt was with Brookfield shareholding entities in Bermuda, a jurisdiction often used to minimise tax.

Management fees, royalties and markups: charging value out of the workplace

Management fees, royalties and markups can move profit through charges for services, brands and intellectual property. A local subsidiary may pay another company in the same group for a trademark, technology, software, marketing support, head office service or other intra-group arrangement linked to brand value or supply chains. Some payments reflect real support, but the price can be hard to verify when a brand or internal service does not have a simple market price.

These charges make a productive local business look weaker than it is. A subsidiary may employ workers, serve customers and depend on public infrastructure – yet its recorded profit falls the moment it pays large fees or markups to another company in the group. This matters most where workers are covered by profit-sharing schemes: arrangements, negotiated or legally required, that distribute part of a company’s recorded profit to employees. Shrink the profit recorded in the employing entity, and you shrink what workers take home.

Source: CICTAR

Starbucks Coffee Trading Company Sarl, a Swiss subsidiary, buys green coffee from producer countries and resells it to Starbucks roasting facilities, even though it’s been reported that almost no physical coffee passes through Switzerland.

A European Commission investigation found that, between 2011 and 2014, the Swiss company added a 15–18% markup before reselling coffee to other Starbucks subsidiaries. Starbucks justified this partly through its C.A.F.E. Practices program, owned and managed by the Swiss subsidiary. The structure helped book substantial profits in Switzerland while lowering reported profits in countries where coffee was roasted, sold and consumed.

Guaranteed margins: making workers’ contribution look routine

Guaranteed margin models reduce the profit rate assigned to a local subsidiary. An MNE labels a subsidiary a “routine” manufacturer, distributor or service provider, entitled to only a small, fixed return, while the rest of the group’s profit is recorded elsewhere, usually wherever the group says the key assets reside or the strategic decisions get made.

That margin can be reduced through biased comparisons. To justify the return left in the subsidiary, the company compares it against supposedly similar independent firms, a comparison that can be shaped by cherry-picking lower-profit peers, excluding stronger performers, narrowing the subsidiary’s described role, or claiming the real risks sit elsewhere in the group. A low margin can then appear normal, even when the local workforce is needed for production, sales and services.

Source: Disclose

After buying the energy division of Alstom, the French industrial group, General Electric reportedly changed how its Belfort turbine factory in eastern France was described inside the group. The French site became a lower-value “manufacturing unit”, working for GE Switzerland GmbH, even though it was central to producing the turbines.

The result: 97% of the profits on one contract went to Switzerland. More than €800 million allegedly disappeared from the accounts of General Electric Energy Products France between 2015 and 2020, with an estimated public revenue loss of €150 million to €300 million. Employees in Belfort lost part of their profit-sharing and faced collective redundancies as the Belfort plant’s finances appeared to worsen.

Toll manufacturing: reducing the base on which profit is calculated

Toll manufacturing shrinks local profit by narrowing the base on which the factory’s margin is calculated. If the group says the local factory does not own the materials or control key supply functions, the same profit rate is then applied to a smaller base.

This accounting change becomes an employment issue when the group re-organizes work to fit the model. The same workers may still produce the same goods, but the books show less profit because the factory is now treated as playing a smaller role. To support that claim, a group may move purchasing, quality control or supply chains to another country. This turns a tax structure into real job losses.

Table: How transfer pricing affects workers

PracticeHow it shifts profitWhy it matters for workers
Internal debtThe local entity borrows from another group company and pays interest. These payments reduce taxable profit and move cash elsewhere in the group.The local company can appear financially constrained, limiting resources for jobs, maintenance, staffing and public revenue.
Management fees, royalties & markupsThe local entity pays another group company for brands, technology, software, services or other hard-to-price internal arrangements. These charges can reduce the profit recorded locally.A productive workplace can appear less profitable on paper, weakening profit-sharing, wage claims and arguments for local investment.
Guaranteed marginsThe group assigns the local entity a low profit rate, often by comparing it with weaker or less relevant companies.Workers’ contribution can be undervalued in the accounts, even when local activity supports the wider group’s profits.
Toll manufacturingThe group narrows the base used to calculate the factory’s profit, for example by excluding materials or supply functions.The same production work can generate less recorded profit locally, and jobs may move if functions are transferred to support the tax model.

The Convention should preserve a path to deeper reform

The UN Framework Convention should help governments move beyond a system that lets value be recorded away from where it’s created. The examples are not isolated abuses or technical disputes. Management fees, royalties, guaranteed margins, toll manufacturing and internal debt all point to the same structural weakness: current rules give MNEs too much room to decide, on their own terms, where profits appear.

Article 5 is where this wider challenge becomes most visible. By addressing the fair allocation of taxing rights, it should set the direction for how MNE profits get divided between countries. A weak outcome affirms fair allocation in principle while leaving the current transfer pricing framework largely intact. A stronger outcome makes clear that taxable profits should be tied to real economic activity, including labor, sales and assets.

Unitary taxation and formulary apportionment offer a structural answer to this problem. They treat an MNE group as one integrated enterprise and allocate its global profits among countries, using objective factors. The exact formula would need negotiation, but the principle is clear: taxable profits should track real activity, not the internal arrangements, which companies have strong incentives to manipulate.

Union-backed research shows that structural reform is practical, not just theoretical. Our modelling of unitary taxation and formulary apportionment across more than 7,400 MNE groups and 161 jurisdictions shows that changing the allocation rule can shift tax bases away from profit-shifting hubs and towards jurisdictions with real economic activity – employment, payroll and sales.

A labor perspective should judge the Convention, and Article 5 in particular, by whether it creates a credible pathway towards this deeper reform. That means asking whether the negotiations:

  • shift taxing rights in practice, rather than only restating fair allocation in general terms;
     
  • recognize labor as one key indicator of real economic activity;
     
  • strengthen transparency and public oversight, including through public country-by-country reporting.

These tests matter because the Convention can reinforce or change the current distribution of value. If Article 5 leaves profit allocation dependent on opaque internal prices, workers will remain exposed to the same practices that reduce local profits, weaken bargaining, and shrink public revenues. If it creates space for deeper reform, it can help reconnect taxable profits with the workers and societies that make those profits possible.

Fair allocation of taxing rights would account for labor’s role in creating value. Value created through work, markets, public infrastructure and productive activity should not be recorded elsewhere, in structures built primarily to reward capital. International tax rules are part of the global economic rulebook. If workers create value, that rulebook should say so.

 

Authors: Séverine Picard and Edris Nikjooy are Coordinators of the Network of Unions for Tax Justice